Scottish Historical Memory in the Era of European Regionalism

The outlook and the nature of the relationship between Scotland and the European Union (EU) were again placed on the political agenda, due to the United Kingdom (UK) EU referendum, also known as the Brexit referendum (held on 23 of June 2016). With a regional turnout of 67,2 % the decision by the Scottish electorate was to ‘Remain a member of the European Union’ (62%) which won by a majority of 649 thousand votes over those who had voted in favour of to ‘Leave the European Union’ (38%) [EU referendum results]. The political failure of the EU referendum in Scotland contributed to the growth of a discussion on the historical experience between Scotland and the EU, Scottish historical memory and its role in the context of the extension of such phenomenon as European regionalism. In particular, a member of Scottish Parliament (MSP) and a former supporter of the Scottish National Party (SNP) Michael Russell noted that the Scots had considered themselves as Europeans and according to this their region – as a part of a common European space, long before the UK ratified its membership in the EU. The politician provides a number of historical facts about the interaction between the region and the continental Europe in various spheres – from the economy to education. Therefore, Russell concludes that the population of Scotland has determined its choice to vote pro-European according to the strong historical tradition [Michael Russell MSP].

Russell's pro-European views were supported by the ‘Sunday Herald’ newspaper (Glasgow). The editors emphasized the historical identity of the Scots, which, in their opinion, largely depends not only on the national spirit and historical memory, but also on the degree of their influence on their European neighbors through the common history of commerce, intellectual and cultural exchange - that is, the external relations of the European regions [The weight of history demands].

Both, the politician and the editors, affected the relevant question: whether Scotland's history and the Scottish national memory are more generally an all-European tradition, a private British case, or both ways are not mutually exclusive – these issues still remain topical among the academic community. Moreover, what lessons can the Scottish past and a historical memory bring for the Scottish future as well as for the future of united Europe in the context of the development of regionalization processes?

Recently, the internal situation in the EU is characterized by the growth of political regionalism: the rise of regional activity can be seen in Italy, Spain, Belgium and the United Kingdom [Rokkan]. Significantly enough that work on this issue is in progress in several ways at once. At the national level, governments of all countries prefer to respond monotonously to these challenges, namely, to provide policy aimed at stabilizing, balancing and expanding domestic political diversity. Most of them decided to delegate authority from the center to the regional authorities [Molle].

At the supranational level, the EU increasingly includes the regional dimension in the process of shaping and developing its policy orientations: the establishment of the European Committee of the Regions (CoR, 1994) and the expansion of the powers of EU funds for regional policy and European structural funds, allowed to create new links between the EU and the regions within its member states.

The historical resemblance between Scotland and Europe becomes especially evident when we draw a parallel with its southern neighbor. For example, it concerns a world of culture: total subordination of the church to the authority of the state in England, and Calvinism of the Geneva type in Scotland. There are also frequent references and a desire to adopt the Scandinavian experience north of the borders, and the American one – in the south. At the same time, the English and Welsh legal systems are based mainly on common law, and the Scottish one uses a civil code based on Roman law.

Previous British historical traditions considered the history of Scotland mainly within the frameworks of common British history, what was largely aimed at highlighting the successful integration of two states after 1707. With regards to the European context, the Scottish regional heritage is seen as an essential part of the construction of a single European process of cohesion, and the idea of a united historical memory with the continent as it acquires its own revival. It seems that it is not entirely correct to make the choice between these two views on a Scottish history. It would be more precise to note that the first or the second historical tradition prevailed depending on the alignment of forces in the political arena. The affirmation that Scotland is a more "European" country than England in its nature and historical past is equally related to the formation of modern Scottish identity as the basis for an independent nation state [Scottish History].

The traditional theories of modernization are based on the notion that the development of such processes as industrialization, urbanization, education and the expansion of communication contribute to the homogenization of Western European society. This region was chosen because as the representatives of the long-established statehood, the countries of the Western European region were assigned the role of flagship engines of modern processes.

This region is also unique because of its simultaneous presence of two opposite tendencies: integration (formation of united European community) and disintegration (regionalism).

At the beginning of the current century, contrary to the predictions of these theories of modernization about the irreversibility of the processes of homogenization of society, regionalism (in its various forms) turned out to be one of the dominant directions. The British state as a mature, stable and dynamically developing society should have been an example of such homogeneity. However historically it turned out that it was here that ethnic and interethnic contradictions appeared again, which along with British state nationalism and regionalism reflected weakness of the national state.

Academics note that at this time regionalism in Western Europe was the least expected process. For example, one of the leading scholars in the field of European integration, sociologist and political scientist Karl Deutsch (Harvard University) from the point of view of a contemporary, considered the development of ideas of nationalism in the middle of the 20th century as a non-perspective vector of progress in the North Atlantic region for the political activities of national groups [Lijphart].

European regionalism develops under the influence of the historical memory of its territories (Scotland in this case). ‘Healthy’ nationalism promotes building of the state, while sympathies for supranational institutions weaken it, what can be noted in Scottish example: increase of nationalism in the 1960-1970 and in the beginning of the XXI century is a sign of the crisis of the British state. The phenomena of the so-called double identity is connected with these processes: the majority of Scottish population defined themselves both as Scots and as Britons at the same time. Considering Scotland as a separate region (or nation), they also consider England as a separate region (or nation).

Scottish historical memory traditionally contains the idea that the British state did not live up to its expectations. As firstly, this is reflected in the fact that by signing the Acts of Union of 1707 the Scots regarded themselves as an equal partner, but not a region dependent on London. Convinced that they came together as an equal partner with England, the Scots intuitively denied that they had become the object of government, led by a richer and possibly stronger southern neighbor [Glen].

According to researchers, over the past quarter of a century no European country has become more centralized. At the same time, half of them, on the contrary, can be characterized by decentralization of powers towards the regional level of power [Hooghe]. It is worth noting that several types of regionalism can be distinguished within the European Union:
1) regionalism as devolution of administrative powers,

European governments devolve part of their powers to regional levels. Here the Scottish case is a classic example: the establishment of Scottish Parliament by the Scotland Act of 1998 and as a result of the first elections in 1999. This, in addition to obvious historical, political and other backgrounds, is of an explicit economic nature: it became evident that the post-war system of government is not economically profitable and effective in the new realities. Facing the devolution, the central government withdrew part of its everyday routine, allowing the regions to independently determine the vector of their development on a number private issues.

2) regionalism as a federalism;

at first sight, completely contradictory side of regionalism – sometimes to take federal features – provides a greater regional autonomy both within one state and in the terms of the common European space. As an example, the governments of federal states of Germany or Austria participating in the development of a single European policy, not only on administrative issues, but also at the foreign policy level.

3) regionalism as nationalism;

the classical understanding of a nation is a community of people based on a common historical tradition and memory, culture, language and religion. Very often, nations develop within several state entities. This is the crucial moment of the interaction between European regionalism and nationalism: since the EU consists of many member states that include many nations, regionalism helps the nationalism to go beyond the borders of one state and develop at the interstate level.

Multilevel governance has led to the fact that regional actors have become increasingly influential in decision-making in the EU, and national states in turn – lose their monopoly in this area.

In this case, the Scottish case is of particular interest, as a region whose population by following the path of pan-European integration remained committed to national memory and the historical tradition of an independent state, resisting centripetal tendencies within its state. Chronologically, Britain's accession to the European Union coincided with the growth of nationalism in Scotland [Kozlova]. Both processes occurred in parallel and were independent from each other. However, it seems obvious that the entry into a common European space allowed the nationalists to feel a certain level of confidence: having achieved the status of autonomy within the UK, they would nevertheless continue to receive support from Brussels. The growth of nationalism in the late 1960's and early 1970's (which ended up by a Scottish devolution referendum of 1979) for a long term laid the foundation for further modernization in the constitutional system of the entire British state: the establishment of Parliament under the Scottish Act of 1998 and subsequent elections in 1999. The distinction of areas of responsibility occurred in such a way that a number of issues, such as health, education, the legislative sphere, and agriculture were devolved to the regional parliament, while foreign policy remained the prerogative of Westminster. Thus, it is obvious that the interaction of the region with the EU was extremely difficult without the participation of London: the British government tightly controlled the conduct of European politics and the degree of independence of the Scottish executive in these processes [McLeod].

The influence of territorial authorities increased as the European Union began to cooperate with its territories through the implementation of regional projects. Along with other states, Scotland is represented in the EU through a number of formal and informal institutions. First, the interaction of the EU with the regions takes place according to the legislation. However, it is worth noting that while the members of the European Union are countries rather than the regions, this interaction will always take place through the prism of the national level.

Historically, Scotland is a region characterized by the number of powerful and influential regional authorities (Strathclyde, for example), what has an impact on the nature of relations with the EU.

Here also we can admit the presence of traditional devolutionary tendencies aimed at decision-making at localized level. The question of full Scottish independence is still on the political agenda and it is assumed that its status is unlikely to be changed in the next decade. However, looking back at the historical memory and experience of Scotland and the devolutionary tendencies of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the EU is gaining importance since it is within the frameworks of its regional interaction, where small countries are given the opportunity to be and remain "heard." This applies to both the political and economic spheres - the participation in the common currency would ensure the closest interaction of an independent region with one of the strongest economies of the world.

Flexible to transform, the national consciousness along with the historical memory of the nation contributes to changes in national thinking: the nation as a spiritual community united by the common past, its symbols, culture, without the needs of any independent political institutions, is being replaced by a political nation demanding political independence [Apryshchenko].

Thereby even if over the next following decades Scotland does not become an independent state, from a political point of view the support of the European Union will continue to be strategic in the search of the reasons for many problems that Scottish society is facing in a changing and modern world in attempts to find its own place in it, because the stronger are the links between the EU and the regions, the weaker is the authority of the central government within the national state.

Источники и литература

Апрыщенко В.Ю. Травма Унии и опыт ее историзации в XVIII–первой половине XIX века // Кризисы переломных эпох в исторической памяти. 2012. С. 181-214.

Carol M. Glen. Regionalism in the European Union: the case of Scotland. Contemporary European Studies. # 2. 2008, pp. 59-70. http://www.ces.upol.cz/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/CES_2_2008_59to70.pdf

EU referendum results https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/find-information-by-subject/elections-and-referendums/past-elections-and-referendums/eu-referendum/electorate-and-count-information

Hooghe, Liesbet and Gary Marks (2001) Multi-level Governance and European Integration. Lanham. Maryland: Rowman and Littlefi eld Publishing Group, Inc

Kozlova D.A. ‘1980s. ‘Independent’ Scotland and the way to European Union’. World Applied Sciences Journal. 2013 T. 27. N 13 A. pp. 155-157.

Lijphart, Arend (1977) ‘Political Theories and the Explanation of Ethnic Conflict in the Western World: Falsified Predictions and Plausible Postdictions’, in Milton J. Esman (eds) Ethnic Conflict in the Western World, pp. 46–64. Ithaca: Cornell University Press; Deutsch, Karl (1957) Political Community in the North Atlantic Area: International Organizations in the Light of Historical Experience. Princeton: Princeton University Press

McLeod, Aileen (2003) ‘The Scottish Parliament and Europe’. SPICe Briefi ng Paper, 03/44. The Scottish Parliament. Available at: http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/business/research/briefi ngs-03/sb03-44.pdf

Michael Russell MSP, SP OR 28 June 2016, col. 42.

Molle, Willem (1990) The Economics of European Integration: Theory, Practice and Policy. Aldershot: Dartmouth Publishing Company Ltd.

Rokkan, Stein and Derek W. Urwin (1982) The Politics of Territorial Identity: Studies in European Regionalism. London: Sage

Scottish History: British or European? Scott Reid (Edinburgh & St Andrews). The Scottish History Network at the University of Edinburgh on Monday 22 August. 2016

‘The weight of history demands that Scotland retain its European identity’, Sunday Herald, 3rd July 2016. http://www.heraldscotland.com/opinion/sunday_herald_view/14594903.The_weight_of_history_demands_that_Scotland_retain_its_European_identity/

References

Apryschenko V.Yu. Travma i opyt yeye istorizatsii XVIII – pervoy epokhi XIX veka [The trauma of Union and the experience of its historicization in the XVIII – first half of the XIX century], in Krizisy perelomnykh epokh v istoricheskoy pamyati [Crises of turning epochs in historical memory]. 2012. Pp. 181-214.

Carol M. Glen. Regionalism in the European Union: the case of Scotland. Contemporary European Studies. # 2. 2008, pp. 59-70. http://www.ces.upol.cz/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/CES_2_2008_59to70.pdf

EU referendum results https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/find-information-by-subject/elections-and-referendums/past-elections-and-referendums/eu-referendum/electorate-and-count-information

Hooghe, Liesbet and Gary Marks (2001) Multi-level Governance and European Integration. Lanham. Maryland: Rowman and Littlefi eld Publishing Group, Inc

Kozlova D.A. ‘1980s. ‘Independent’ Scotland and the way to European Union’. World Applied Sciences Journal. 2013 T. 27. N 13 A. pp. 155-157.

Lijphart, Arend (1977) ‘Political Theories and the Explanation of Ethnic Conflict in the Western World: Falsified Predictions and Plausible Postdictions’, in Milton J. Esman (eds) Ethnic Conflict in the Western World, pp. 46–64. Ithaca: Cornell University Press; Deutsch, Karl (1957) Political Community in the North Atlantic Area: International Organizations in the Light of Historical Experience. Princeton: Princeton University Press

McLeod, Aileen (2003) ‘The Scottish Parliament and Europe’. SPICe Briefi ng Paper, 03/44. The Scottish Parliament. Available at: http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/business/research/briefi ngs-03/sb03-44.pdf

Michael Russell MSP, SP OR 28 June 2016, col. 42.

Molle, Willem (1990) The Economics of European Integration: Theory, Practice and Policy. Aldershot: Dartmouth Publishing Company Ltd.

Rokkan, Stein and Derek W. Urwin (1982) The Politics of Territorial Identity: Studies in European Regionalism. London: Sage

Scottish History: British or European? Scott Reid (Edinburgh & St Andrews). The Scottish History Network at the University of Edinburgh on Monday 22 August. 2016

‘The weight of history demands that Scotland retain its European identity’, Sunday Herald, 3rd July 2016. http://www.heraldscotland.com/opinion/sunday_herald_view/14594903.The_weight_of_history_demands_that_Scotland_retain_its_European_identity/